Dead Poet’s Society The film, Dead Poet’s Society, is a story of a English professor who instructs a group of eager boys in a highly accredited and traditional boys academy. Professor Keatings, played by Robin Williams, introduces his students into the world of poetry. Throughout the school year, the professor inspires the students to “seize the day” and make their lives extraordinary. A group of students gets swept away by their teacher’s enthusiastic spirit, and they decide to reorganize “The Dead Poet’s Society”, a select club which used to meet in a cave when the professor attended school, to experience inspiration through poetry. The inspirational impact he has on his students backfires when the school’s board of trustees finds out about the unorthodox teaching methods that go on in the classroom. One of his students commits suicide after the boy’s father, a very controlling man, rejects his son and his enthusiasm for acting and the stage. Professor Keatings doesn’t follow textbooks or the curriculum, but teaches from his heart. Unlike his conservative colleagues, Keating employs decidedly unorthodox teaching methods and strives to teach more than just his subject matter, which is poetry. His goal is to inspire his students to suck the bone of life to the marrow, to seize the day and to make their lives extraordinary. In Keating's class, you learn passion, courage, romanticism, and, of course poetry. You pass if you avoid conformity and find your own voice, and you fail if you neglect to live life to the fullest. The impact that professor Keatings has on his students is eternal. His spirit will probably always live in his students’ hearts. Any teacher who is like Keatings is priceless. He wasn’t just teacher of academics but a teacher of life. I have had some teachers similar to Professor Keatings, whom I will always remember. Professor Keatings techniques were unconventional but they inspired his students to the fullest. This film relates to the Intro to Education 150 course because the course is designed to cause one to reflect broadly on just what it takes to be an effective teacher. The course content, like the film, Dead Poet’s Society, helps us to focus our passion and interests in teaching.
Thursday, January 20, 2011
Tuesday, January 18, 2011
Nepali language
Nepali or Nepalese (नेपाली) is a language in the Indo-Aryan branch of the Indo-European language family.
It is the official language and de facto lingua franca of Nepal and is also spoken in Bhutan, parts of India and parts of Myanmar (Burma). In India, it is one of the country's 23 official languages: Nepali has official language status in the formerly independent state of Sikkim and in West Bengal's Darjeeling district. Geographically, Nepali is considered to be the easternmost of the Pahadi languages, a geographic group of languages spoken across the lower elevations of the Himalaya range, from eastern Nepal through the Indian states of Uttarakhand and Himachal Pradesh. The influence of the Nepali language can also be seen in Bhutan and some parts of Burma. Nepali developed in proximity to a number of Tibeto-Burman languages, most notably Nepal Bhasa (Newari), and shows Tibeto-Burman influences. Nepali is closely related to the Hindi languages and is sometimes considered mutually intelligible to some extent, yet is more conservative with more Sanskritic derivations and fewer Persian or English loan words than Hindi-Urdu.
Historically, the language was first called Khaskura (language of the khas 'rice farmers'), then Gorkhali or Gurkhali (language of the Gurkha) before the term Nepali was taken from Newari. Other names include Parbatiya ("mountain language", identified with the Parbatiya people of Nepal) and Lhotshammikha (the "southern language" of the Lhotshampa people of Bhutan). The name 'Nepali' is ambiguous, as it was originally a pronunciation of Newari, the Tibeto-Burman language of the capital Kathmandu.
Contents[hide] |
[edit] Script and Literature
Nepali is commonly written in the Devanagari script, as are Hindi and Sanskrit. There is some record of using Takri script in the history of Nepali, especially in western Nepal, Uttarakhand, and Himachal Pradesh. Bhujimol is an older script native to Nepal, while Ranjana script is another writing system historically used.
Nepali developed a significant literature within a short period of hundred years in the 19th century, fueled by Adhyatma Ramayana; Sundarananda Bara (1833); Birsikka, an anonymous collection of folk-tales; and a version of the South Asian epic Ramayana by Bhanubhakta. The contribution of trio-laureates Poudyal, Devkota, and Sama took Nepali to the level of other world languages. The contribution of expatriate writers outside Nepal—especially in Darjeeling and Varanasi -- is also notable.
[edit] Number of speakers
Almost one-third of the population of Nepal speak Nepali as a mother tongue. The Ethnologue website counts more than 17 million speakers worldwide, including 11 million within Nepal (from the 2001 census).[1]
Nepali is traditionally spoken in the Hill Region of Nepal (Pahad, पाहाड), especially in the western part of the country. It is also the lingua franca in the Kathmandu valley, although the historically dominant language in this valley was Nepal Bhasa (also known as Newari). Nepali is now used in government and as the everyday language of a growing portion of the local population. Nevertheless the exclusive use of Nepali in the courts and government of Nepal is being challenged. Recognition of other ethnic languages in Nepal was one of the objectives of the Maoist insurgency.
In Bhutan those who speak Nepali (known as Lhotshampa) are estimated at about 35 percent[2] of the population if all displaced Bhutanese refugees are counted (unofficial estimates of the ethnic Nepalese population ran as high as 30 to 40 percent, constituting a majority in the south[3]), or about 242,000 people. Since the late 1980s, over 100,000 Lhotshampa have been forced out of Bhutan, accused by the government of being illegal aliens.[2] A large fraction them were expelled in a mostly nonviolent "ethnic cleansing" campaign and presently live in refugee camps in eastern Nepal.
In India there are also people who speak Nepali, especially in the state of Sikkim and in the adjacent Darjeeling district in West Bengal. There are an estimated 500,000 Nepali speakers in Sikkim, and somewhat more than that in Darjeeling. In all there are millions of Nepali speakers in India. It is also said that there are 3,800 Nepali speaking people in South India mainly in cities of Visakhapatnam, Chennai and Hyderabad.
Combining the Ethnologue figures[1] with strong population growth in Nepal, the assumption of 20 million people with Nepali as their mother tongue is a reasonable estimate for 2006.
Sunday, January 2, 2011
Cronon On Education
Cronon on Education Having read Victor's story not realizing until the very end that Victor in the story was the author made it much more confusing! I realize that the issue here is about racial and social discrimination as well as about education and following your own ideals instead of the rest of society's. He displays this through the various characters and stories throughout the essay as well as his own personal accounts. The reason and logic behind his paper is shown through the different examples, such as in the classroom with the different students of different gender, race, social standing, etc. I find his ideas much harder to follow as they are much less clear-cut than Cronon's. He likes the idea of changing education and making it much more true for the student instead of protecting them from some evil within society. The idea of having children read several versions of Cinderella to become more learned of the different cultures and the actual societal concerns instead of just being a children's story really makes sense. He presents this in a way that you cannot help but agree, it sheds light on many things for me as I am sure it did for others. Cronon writes of liberal education in modern society and what it means him. He tries to condense liberal education down for the reader, as he thinks that society has let it become too broad of a term. Making lists for a person's education can make them forget the real purpose that it is to nurture human freedom and growth. (p.113) He then makes a list of his own ideals of what liberal education should provide the student the student with. (of what qualities they should pocess after being liberally educated) He deems liberal education in society today as having had become too broad and that the real purpose has been forgotten. His form of persuasion is to put it on the table and speak his mind freely giving his own opinion as the example, unlike Victor who used example after example to explain his thoughts and reasoning. While he describes these ten qualities to pertain to the individual in the end he makes clear that we are to become connected with the community in all aspects of this liberal eduacation. Only connect.
Dead Poet's Society
Dead Poet’s Society The film, Dead Poet’s Society, is a story of a English professor who instructs a group of eager boys in a highly accredited and traditional boys academy. Professor Keatings, played by Robin Williams, introduces his students into the world of poetry. Throughout the school year, the professor inspires the students to “seize the day” and make their lives extraordinary. A group of students gets swept away by their teacher’s enthusiastic spirit, and they decide to reorganize “The Dead Poet’s Society”, a select club which used to meet in a cave when the professor attended school, to experience inspiration through poetry. The inspirational impact he has on his students backfires when the school’s board of trustees finds out about the unorthodox teaching methods that go on in the classroom. One of his students commits suicide after the boy’s father, a very controlling man, rejects his son and his enthusiasm for acting and the stage. Professor Keatings doesn’t follow textbooks or the curriculum, but teaches from his heart. Unlike his conservative colleagues, Keating employs decidedly unorthodox teaching methods and strives to teach more than just his subject matter, which is poetry. His goal is to inspire his students to suck the bone of life to the marrow, to seize the day and to make their lives extraordinary. In Keating's class, you learn passion, courage, romanticism, and, of course poetry. You pass if you avoid conformity and find your own voice, and you fail if you neglect to live life to the fullest. The impact that professor Keatings has on his students is eternal. His spirit will probably always live in his students’ hearts. Any teacher who is like Keatings is priceless. He wasn’t just teacher of academics but a teacher of life. I have had some teachers similar to Professor Keatings, whom I will always remember. Professor Keatings techniques were unconventional but they inspired his students to the fullest. This film relates to the Intro to Education 150 course because the course is designed to cause one to reflect broadly on just what it takes to be an effective teacher. The course content, like the film, Dead Poet’s Society, helps us to focus our passion and interests in teaching.
Gifted Education
Running head: GIFTED EDUCATION/CIVIL RIGHTS Education of Gifted Students A Civil Rights Issue? Article Critique Education of Gifted Students A Civil Rights Issue? This paper seeks to answer the question: Is the differential representation of the sexes and of racial and ethnic groups in educational programs for gifted students a civil rights problem? The author does a more than adequate job of presenting the arguments on both sides of the issue and drawing logical inferences. The article seeks to identify the actual dilemma and proposes possible approaches for resolution. Much of the school system today has been shaped by the civil rights laws of the past. The writer notes that the link these rights have to education is the pledge of an equal opportunity for all children to learn and be educated in this country. Schools must accomplish this without regard to race, creed or gender. The author notes that there have been references to the gifted programs being just another subtle form of segregation by the white upper-middle-class. These concerns arise from the fact that the representation of the sexes and of ethnic groups within the gifted classes reflects just such a phenomenon. The unjustified beliefs of genetic inferiority of some races have long since been denounced. These unfounded beliefs have been replaced by research which indicates that the genetic component of intelligence is augmented by the nurturing environment (or lack thereof) of a child. The paper sites twin studies, which give creedence to the genetic component of intelligence, and notes these differences apply within the different ethnic and racial groups. The author attributes an almost equal role to the environment of the child referring to nurturing as the crystallization of native abilities. Noting the differences between the sexes in math and verbal skills, the author seeks to validate this conception. The author sees the cultural values of society as an unavoidable encroachment upon the genders resulting in these differences. I beg to differ, as molecular and developmental studies have shown that there are structural and biological differences in the brains of males and females (Zhang, 1995; Palego, 2000). As a molecular biologist I would be more inclined to attribute differences to the biochemical aspects of development. The writer next addresses the inequities of intelligence tests and accurately identifies them as mere predictors of future academic performance. We are unable to measure native ability with these instruments but these devices do allow for a comparison of the developmental level of a child in the areas of core knowledge, reasoning and conceptual association. It is through these measures that predictions of future performance are made. The author now brings Gardner's theory of multiple intelligences into the debate. He uses the theory to propose expanding the definition of giftedness. Although I do agree in principle with Gardner's theory, the already limited resources in gifted education would be taxed to the brink if we were to include the majority of children, as strict use of Gardner's theory would necessitate. The final points in the paper relate to what the author calls tall poppies. This is the approach of Chinese Communism according to the author. The principle is that the poppies growing too rapidly should be hewn down so as not to out grow the rest in the field. At this point there are offerings in the paper concerning the achievement of Asian students in American schools. The writer relates these to the home environment, emphasis on education and tenacity of the Chinese-American students. I believe that this, in essence, is what we have done in education today, we've cut-down our gifted students in an effort to avoid the criticism of elitism. The brightest and the best are denied their potential because it is falsely believed that they can pick it up on their own. I believe that most of the curriculum offered in mainstream education has been so watered down that children are not challenged and are not taught to think in our schools today – all in an effort to be fair to everyone. How is this fair to the gifted child? The author concludes by placing the accountability for educating our gifted children on families, schools, and society. He urges full development of all children with outstanding talents through the creation of early and continuing enrichment programs. Through these efforts children would be identified early as to their talent or gift and their education would then be geared to develop that talent for the betterment of all. References Gallagher, J. L. (1995). Education of gifted students - a civil rights issue? Phi Beta Kappan, 76(5), 408-412. Palego, L., and others (2000). Gender and age-related variation in adenylyl cyclase activity in the human prefrontal cortex, hippocampus and dorsal raphe nuclei. . Neuroscience Letters, 279(1), 53-56. Zhang, L., and others (1999). Sex differences in expression of serotonin receptors (subtypes 1A and 2A) in rat brain: A possible role of testosterone. Neuroscience, 94(1), 251-259.
Bibliography
Gallagher, J. L. (1995). Education of gifted students - a civil rights issue? Phi Beta Kappan, 76(5), 408-412. Palego, L., and others (2000). Gender and age-related variation in adenylyl cyclase activity in the human prefrontal cortex, hippocampus and dorsal raphe nuclei. . Neuroscience Letters, 279(1), 53-56. Zhang, L., and others (1999). Sex differences in expression of serotonin receptors (subtypes 1A and 2A) in rat brain: A possible role of testosterone. Neuroscience, 94(1), 251-259.
Bibliography
Gallagher, J. L. (1995). Education of gifted students - a civil rights issue? Phi Beta Kappan, 76(5), 408-412. Palego, L., and others (2000). Gender and age-related variation in adenylyl cyclase activity in the human prefrontal cortex, hippocampus and dorsal raphe nuclei. . Neuroscience Letters, 279(1), 53-56. Zhang, L., and others (1999). Sex differences in expression of serotonin receptors (subtypes 1A and 2A) in rat brain: A possible role of testosterone. Neuroscience, 94(1), 251-259.
Music Education
The best teachers in this world ask just the right questions I’m convinced. I look at my past experience with teachers. The ones that stick out in my mind as facilitating the most amount of growth in the students have been able to get responses from them by asking direct questions that spark the student’s own personal creative thinking. The teachers have presented themselves (their material, their presence, their goals, their very nature, etc.) in a way that strikes the students as being unique and that this teacher has something of value to offer. The student sees this leading quality and either subconsciously or consciously asks themself how am I going to get that stuff that teacher has?. The student ends up being curious and wants to learn, and wants to learn for themself. This also benefits the whole area of discipline. Since the students have developed a respect for what that teacher has to offer, than they do not think or even want to be disruptive. Of course, there’s always that special one in the crowd that has so much baggage their tendency to misbehave is not stopped by this one amazing teacher, but it’s stunted nonetheless. Thought-provoking questions in an atmosphere that promotes risk the best to stimulate critical thinking. The teacher has this responsibility to share the process of critical thinking in order to provide that safe atmosphere where ideas are appreciated and warmly accepted. Listening in conjunction with questioning and classroom dialogues promotes thinking about music. The combination of lecturing accompanied by dialogue of analysis, synthesis, and evaluation of content enhances learning. I think that a good music teacher will create and maintain a positive and comfortable atmosphere where students can dialogue advances discovery and critical thinking. It is important for teachers to have that sensitivity towards the students where they can feel comfortable taking risks. Teachers can use small groups as a way to give a greater number of students a freer feeling to talk about music. This kind of classroom interaction lends itself to a meaningful self-evaluation where one can seek to improve in their weakness. The students may feel a nudge to improve up to their friends ability. Or the students may find how different people offer different views to music, and that in itself can be an inspiration to seek out more perspectives or to grow more personally with their music. I feel like talking about conducting right now because this is going to become a huge part of music teaching when I Actually get there. There are many incredible conductors out there. Some of their qualities are so impressive. Some characteristics of a good conductor are having clear definite down beats, they are commanding in their leadership role and have the players attention completely. They should be able to express the meaning or atmosphere of the music through their gesture. They should be able to pick out the different parts of the music because they know the instrumentation and score well. They should know the history and context of the music so that it is presented in the manner the composer intended. The technique of their arm movements should be well-trained, and with the ensemble they should be motivating, encouraging, and inspiring. To obtain a certain quality of conducting requires a great deal of skill. Practicing conducting like any instrument, or any sport or art for that matter, is required in order to reach that high state of excellence. I as a trombone player practice a substantial amount to achieve a superior level of playing. Conducting is no different. It too requires a lot of practice. The conductor, however, works on conveying an inspiration of what the music is intended to sound like by the composer. The conducting teacher relates the composer’s inspiration, the historical background, listens for parts that require modification, helps the students become self-aware of where improvement should take place, keeps a focus with clear goals in mind, creates a positive learning atmosphere, etc… with the help of all the practicing they did before class time. Its a loaded job. J Right now I am finding a great value in mission statements. Mission statements made byt he music teacher for each individual class and ensemble. It keeps them focused on something. The mission statement gives the group a forward motion, that they are going to attain something by the end of the year. It also helps everyone feel like they are in the process of accomplishing something on a large scale and a sense of pride comes along with that.
Martial Arts
To most martial arts is about the hard-style, external arts such as Karate and Maui Thai. Tai Chi Chuan however, developed out of Taoist ideology and the concept of universal balance. Primarily it was committed to physical fitness and spiritual progress, but over time, the monks needed protection against growing warlords and thugs and so, the external aspect of Tai Chi Chuan evolved and an usual mixture of a healing art, exercise and meditation developed. A teacher taught his students, The man who does not seek to struggle with others will find that others are not able to struggle with him. Think if still water. You push it, and, yielding, it finds its original place. You cannot hit anything if there is nothing to hit. Tai Chi Chuan originally developed out of Tai Chi, a similar concept that began around 2000 BC partly influenced by yoga. In China, yoga came to be developed into what is called Saolin chuan (chuan, means boxing). Around 13th AD Chang Seng Feng developed what is known as Tai Chi. Different families studied Tai Chi and developed their own unique styles giving them different names. Tai Chi styles practiced today came from the Chen family. Yang studied the Chen style and modified it to form the Yang style of Tai Chi Chuan, which is the style commonly practiced today. Tai Chi Chuan is part of a larger concept, Taoism. The Tao means the Way or a Path. According to Tao-te Ching, the core Taoist texts, the feeling of being one with the Way can only be experienced and not just known. One must coordinate all the body, the brain, the breathing to realize the feeling of being connected to everything. In Tai Chi Chuan, movement with meditation is done with the purpose of realizing connectivity by feeling in tune with the omnipotent force Chi, or in Japanese, Zen. Chi is everything everywhere; we are all a part of it and so, are connected to each other. Once in tune with Chi, one must apply those principles in daily life to be one with the Tao. The Taoist philosophy of Yin and Yang, soft and hard or the opposites arises from the Taoist belief that humans view the world in terms of opposites, right or wrong, dislike or like. And those beliefs are changing all the time, if a person we dislike does something nice, then we start liking them. We fail to realize that something is just is. FSU is good and bad. It might not be as good as Harvard, but when compared to a University from a third world country, it is quite good. However, for us, it is one or the other and this prevents us from realizing and incorporating the Tao. We have to be empty of such preconceived notions in order to be one with Chi, to comprehend the true nature of things. Emptiness of the mind leads to understanding of the only constant, change. It allows for constantly changing thought processes and a constant sense of inquiry needed to understand that life is a matter of change and If you try to make yourself secure at all costs in life then you cling either the Yin or the Yang. Any fixed idea, when it conflicts with what we call the flow of life, is bound to lead to a loss of balance. It is related to what the early psychologists called a complex. The ability to manipulate thought strengthens one's concentration is referred in martial arts as centering one's mind and the idea is central to Tai Chi Chuan as it allows for change, correction and healing.
Being A Good Tutor
Being a Good Tutor Tutoring, you think it is the easiest job that you could have. You think so because of the flexibility of time, and the only thing you need to do is be there on time to help students (Tutees) with the subject that they have difficulty understanding, which you obviously have the full knowledge about because you earned an ‘A’ or ‘B’ in earlier semesters. However, all that you were thinking is definitely wrong. The tutees don’t care how much you know, until they know how much you care. There are many qualities you need to have in order to be a good tutor besides being intelligent. As Clayton College and State University Peer Tutoring Program (CCSU) mentioned in their web site, “Intelligence alone does not result in successful tutoring; more important is what kind of person you are” (Characteristics of a Good Tutor). Also, as CCSU mentioned, the tutor should have a “ Positive outlook, having a desire to help others, liking for the subject matter, open minded by accepting others points of view, having the ability to see what needs to be done and do it, understanding, and having the ability to feel what another person is feeling.” So what do you need to do when you have an appointment with a tutee for the first time? Besides having all the personal characteristics that I mentioned earlier, you also need to know about the subject that you are going to help the tutee with before going to the appointment. Then you need to review this subject even though you are good at it because you can gather the different ideas on this subject and also analyze the information that you might have forgotten. You need to think after that about how the session with the tutee is going to be, write some notes, and be ready to answer any question your tutee might ask you. Now you are ready to meet the tutee. When you meet the tutee, the first thing you need to do is to introduce yourself and tell him or her that you are a student, especially if that is his or her first time having a tutor. Try to be friendly in order to help the tutee lose his or her nervousness by asking the tutee how the class is going on. Use the first ten to fifteen minutes to organize, plan, and show the tutee what you are going to talk about in the session. Then, start your session by asking the tutee where he or she is having difficulty in the subject. While you are helping the tutee with the subject, try to use the three most important senses to communicate: reading, listening, and watching. According to William Glasser, we learn 10% of what we read, 20% of what we hear, 30% of what we see, and 95% of what we “TEACH” to someone else by using these three senses (Singer). Also, try to know what kind of person your tutee is. Is he or she left brained or right brained? As Middle Tennessee State University mentioned, “Left-brained people think more linear, logical, sequential, symbolic, verbal, and are reality based; however, right-brained are more holistic, creative, random, concrete, non verbal, and fantasy oriented.” (Left vs. Right Which Side Are You On?). Therefore, if you know that your tutee is left-brained, try to relate the subject to real life, recommend the tutee tape record the lecture, show the tutee the specific details and then the main ideas, show the tutee examples from the book, and suggest the tutee make an outline and lists. On the other hand, if the tutee is right-brained, you might explain questions by drawing some pictures, recommend the tutee to recopy the notes by using different colored pens, use the chalkboard, and talk about the main idea then go to specific details. In the session, you should clarify, encourage, reflect, validate, summarize, and restate what you are talking about (Arkin and Shollar 17). As Arkin and Shollar said, beginner tutors would face difficulty to answer many questions, but they shouldn’t feel this disqualifies them from being tutors (99). Try to look for the answer or ask another tutor if he or she knows. In fact, you need to show the tutee how they can find the answer if they get stuck in something, and teach them the right way to look for the answer. One day I had a tutee in calculus who said, “ This question is asking me to find the angle of the triangle by using the Law of Cosine? The teacher wrote the formula on the board but I didn’t copy it down.” I asked him, “Did you look in the section of the book?” He said, “ Yes, but I couldn’t find the formula.” I said, “ I know the formula, but let us see what should we do if something like this happens in the future. Could I have your book, please?” He answered, “ You won’t find it here is the book.” Then I continued, “Let us look at the back of the book for the name of the formula.” Thirty second later I said, “ Yes, Law of Cosine in appendix ‘A’ page number A19.” When I showed him the formula he said, “Oh, my God! That was very easy to find. Thank you very much.” And then I taught him the other ways that he could follow, such as, looking at different books, asking his classmates, or looking in the Internet. You should teach the tutees to depend on themselves and try hard to answer a question before coming to an appointment with you. Also, you should remind them that you cannot do homework for them, and you cannot help any tutee just before a test because this is considered as a month’s session of work. At the end of your session, ask the tutee if he or she understands the subject and ask him or her for any further questions. Then, tell the tutee to go home and review the subject. Remind him or her to be prepared next time if he or she wants to have an appointment with you. If a tutee comes to see you more than twice, the relationship between both of you would increase. If the tutee tells you about his or her personal life, try to change the subject quickly and focus on the subject. Remind them in a nice way that you are there to help him or her understanding the specific subject, but you can meet anywhere later to talk about his or her personal life if he or she wants to. Also, be careful of sharing too much of your own personal life. For example, don’t give your phone number because the tutee might call you at night asking for your help. However, that depends on you. I have been a tutor at MiraCosta College for two semesters, and I really suggest students who are having difficulty understanding anything, go there and see how helpful tutors can be. I ask every tutor to care more about their tutees and work hard to be good tutors
Bulemia Nervosa
Bulimia Nervosa Colleges and universities around the country are reporting an increased prevalence of eating problems among young female students. Difficulties include obsession with food, starvation dieting, severe weight loss, obesity, and compulsive binge eating, often followed by self-induced vomiting (Hesse-Biber, 1989, p.71). Since the beginning of the women's liberation movement in the 1970's, the Western world has seen a severe increase in the rate of eating disorders, especially bulimia nervosa, in young girls, adolescents, and college-aged women. The questions that must be posed are: What are the reasons for eating disorders among college-aged women? Why has there been such a drastic rise in eating disorders in the past few decades? How can this be prevented? It is the purpose of this paper to discuss these questions (after first defining bulimia nervosa and attempting to explain its etiology) and give an overview of several possible answers, determined following an examination of current psychological literature in this area of concern. However, the reasons that many women have issues with food and eating are myriad and complex. They touch on every aspect of being female, and no single answer sufficiently explains the phenomenon of girls who overeat or undereat as a response to stress. Bulimia, a term derived from the Greek words meaning ox and hunger, is a food obsession in which the sufferer repeatedly cycles between bingeing and purging (Chassler, 1998, p.397). In comparing bulimia nervosa to true anorexia nervosa, the basic psychopathology is similar; both display a morbid fear of fatness. The anorectic patient will starve, and the bulimic patient, who can only maintain starving for a limited period, eat and purge (Chassler, 1998, p.397). For a girl who suffers from bulimia nervosa, food becomes equivocal with comfort, relaxation, and escape. The binge begins because a person feels low, often rejected, and she turns to food almost as a narcotic. A typical binge session consists of consuming high-caloric foods and then vomiting, which begins as necessary unpleasantness which evolves into a sensual, addictive muscular convulsion (Chassler, 1998, p.398). According to Freud, bulimia could be explained as a woman's perception of eating as erotic. By blending oral incorporative mechanisms with active oedipal-genital wishes, the woman is reflecting the child's wish to eat and thereby conceive father's baby. He wrote, Do you know, for instance, why X.Y suffers from hysterical vomiting? Because in phantasy she is pregnant, because she is so insatiable that she cannot put up with not having a baby by her last phantasy lover as well. But she must vomit too, because in that case she will be starved and emaciated, and will lose her beauty and no longer be attractive to anyone. Thus the sense of the symptom is a contradictory pair of wish-fulfilments (Chassler, 1998, p.401). While Freud's theory seems outlandish, psychoanalytic psychologists do propose that the syndrome seems to be rooted in psychological, social, and biological concepts of female sexuality. They have concluded, bulimia is interpreted as the simultaneous enactment of conflicting wishes for merger and autonomy (Chassler, 1998, p.402). From a social-psychological standpoint, the disproportionate number of women compared to men afflicted by bulimia nervosa implies that the social construction of gender (the ways in which society defines gender, implying that sex is biological, fixed, and unchanging, while gender, or femininity and masculinity, is done, transient and ever-changing) plays an important part in the etiology of the disorder. It is hypothesized that the risk of developing this disorder depends, in part, on the composition of a woman's gender identity (Klingenspor, 1994, p.407). Being feminine means being attuned to and responsive to the needs of others. Independence, competence, and assertiveness, that is, the psychological tools for getting one's own needs met, define masculinity (Klingenspor, 1994, p.409). Thus, women are considered more compliant and passive compared to men. According to a study by Broverman, because masculine attributes are valued more than feminine ones, sex defines membership in unequal social categories. Corresponding to this finding, many studies indicate that the average adolescent Western girl is more anxious, insecure, depressed, and self-conscious than her male counterpart (Klingenspor, 1994, p.409). In her book, Anatomy of a Food Addiction, author Anne Katherine (1991) calls eating the great escape and pinpoints the vulnerabilities of women to childhood origins (p. 70). She believes that girls are taught that they cannot fight or flee. Unlike boys, who have the outlets of strenuous play and fighting to release anger, girls are taught that they must cope within the difficult situation while remaining in it. In the girl-child's attempts to find solace in a situation from which she cannot escape, she learns that sweet food will release chemicals that soothe her when she is frightened and angry. Thus, she learns rather early in life that food gives her a way to avoid feeling trapped and overwhelmed. This conditioned response to stress then carries over into maturation, and in situations where the young woman feels overwhelmed, frightened, cornered, confused, miserable, or lonely, the body seeks relief, and the whole organism tries to lead her into a way of release. Even if the woman has made a conscious decision to not overeat in response to stress, the whole person has been deeply trained to eat anyway, and she automatically, unthinkingly reaches for something to eat or drink. This drive for release is almost unstoppable (Katherine, 1991, p.71). Katherine describes this strong drive for eating in terms of Maslow's hierarchy of needs--safety and security come far before appearance and artistic taste. Thus, if a girl is fearful or uncertain, it is natural to reach for substances that she has learned give her a feeling of security and safety. Other branches of psychology assume that the causes of bulimia nervosa reflect the interaction of biological predisposition, intrapsychic conflict, family, social factors, disturbed interpersonal relationships, interpersonal sensitivity, and social isolation. Although how biological factors affect the development of bulimia is unclear, some scientists believe that bulimia may be a symptom of a biologically mediated affective disorder. However, this theory is quite controversial. Recently, familial contributions to the etiology and course of bulimia nervosa have been accounted for. Often, women who overeat or undereat have been cited to have had a childhood background of profound deprivation and emotional deficit. Such individuals learned in their families that they were not wanted, worthwhile, or valued. They did not learn to ask for help or to expect their needs to be met. They did not learn healthy ways to handle conflict, difficult emotions, or disappointments. Neither did they learn that the solution to loneliness is to seek friendship. Such individuals may have been severely abused in their homes and have no knowledge of awareness of the abuse (Katherine, 1991, p. 52).
Project Proposal
INTRODUCTION Topic and Purpose This proposal identifies the need for a document, which will propose and develop reasons why a for-profit transportation service for Kent should be perused. This service should be considered because of the recent parking and commuting problems both on and off campus. There have been many reasons why on-campus parking has become difficult in recent years. Increased student enrollment at Kent State University has posed many problems. The parking lots cannot facilitate the growing need for vehicle parking. Campus officials have undertaken construction projects to curb the parking problem, but these renovations have closed lots in the near term. Also, the increased enrollment of students has caused overcrowding on campus buses. These on-campus parking problems also have indirectly affected off-campus parking problems. Off-campus parking in the city of Kent can be described as dismal. The bus service provided by Kent State University is not geared to individual parking needs and lacks the spontaneity students often crave. Increased challenges of off-campus parking include a higher degree of regulation from City Hall. Furthermore, limitations of guest parking at apartment complexes and leased property have increased at an increasing rate over the past three years. These off-campus and on-campus parking problems serve as catalysts for commuting problems across the board. The transportation problems of Kent go beyond that of parking. The campus buses that run from Kent to Akron and neighboring cities have operated inefficiently at best. The demand for student bus transportation has far exceeded the supply. Also, vandalism and automotive theft has nearly doubled since 1997. DUI convictions have quadrupled in the city of Kent since last year. The need for public transportation is quite clear. Because of this evident crisis in transportation, a solution must be in order. Scope This proposal will outline and validate the impending document generally. First the general nature of the document will be discussed; then the ensuing proposal will be outlined. DISCUSSION OF PROPOSAL Proposal The proposed document must be constructed to demonstrate the need for a new for-profit transportation service. It will present a business plan, and then go into detail about characteristics specific to this service. Methodology Information about competitive transportation services will be gathered. Questionnaires will be distributed to students and faculty of Kent State University in order to gather customer insight. Also, a financial consulting firm will be hired to provide professional assistance. Document Outline The proposed document will include the following specific sections. This outline is tentative and may be adjusted in accord with new developments. Description of Business Entity and General Operations Type of Business Type of Legal Entity Type of Facilities Organizational Structure Type of Service the Business will provide Features/Benefits Analysis Timetable for Completion of Development Business Facility Assessment General Location of Facility Equipment Needed for Operations Action Plans Operating Plan Financial Plan Management Plan CONCLUSION Benefits The current Kent State University parking and transportation crisis needs finality. Students, faculty, and citizens need comfort and peace of mind when commuting to school and other destinations. The proposed document will elicit an active response to this crisis and strive for commuting closure. Timeline The research will be completed by October 28. A rough draft will be completed by November 10. The final draft, with any suggested revisions, will be completed by December 7 to potential investors and lobbyists.
Don't Scream
Curiosity One characteristic of Jessica Donnally in the book, Don’t Scream, by Joan Lowery Nixon, is curiosity. Jess spends much of her time attempting to find out the details of other people’s lives, and it often gets her in trouble. The main characters in the book are Jessica Donnally, Lori Roberts, Mark Malik and Scott Alexandar. Jess is a normal sixteen-year-old girl with an unsatisfiable curiosity and a great compassion for kids. Lori is Jess’s best friend. Mark and Scott have both recently moved to Oakberry, Texas. Jess is excited when she learns that there is going to be two new students in her school. When she finds out that one of them, Mark, is moving in next door, she jumps at the chance to welcome him. Her mom bakes a cake and when Jess takes it over to the Malik’s house, she finds out that they are a little different from most families. Mrs. Malik seems confused and threatened by Jess offering her the cake as a welcome gift. However, Mark seems semi-normal, and he explains that where his family used to live, in New York, people are not neighborly. Jessica likes Mark despite that she does not know much about him. When she calls Lori, Jess discovers that she is interested in a new student also, Scott. Before the school year starts, Jess and Lori decide to spend one last day at the nearby lake. To get to the lake, they take a shortcut through the woods. They are the only ones who know about the shortcut. On the way to the lake, they stop at a large rock they had named Castle Rock as children. Instead of continuing on to the lake, Jess and Lori sit on the rock and talk for a while. Then, Jess thinks someone is watching them, and both of them run out of the forest. That night, Jess sees Mark again and is curious about what looks like tree moss on his shoes. She immediately questions him about whether he has ever been in the woods. However, even when Mark says he has never been in the woods, Jess has a herd time believing him. Something in his voice does not seem right. The next morning, Mark asks Jess to walk with him to school. Mark tells her that he has a really bad temper and wants her to help him stay out of trouble. Jess finds the entire conversation confusing because Mark has been nothing but pleasant so far. During her first day back at school, Jess meets Scott in her journalism class, in which Mark is also. Scott is very quiet and seems to have something against Mark right from the beginning. In class, they often start arguments and glare at each other from across the room. After school, the four of them, Mark, Scott, Jessica, and Lori, all take the shortcut through the woods to the lake. Although Scott had just moved there, he leads the way through the woods to the lake. Jess wonders if maybe he had taken the shortcut before. However, the only way he could have known about it is if he had been watching them in the woods that day. Lori brings up an old legend about a haunted cemetery hidden somewhere in the woods, and she suggests that they all go looking for it sometime. Everyone thinks it is a good idea, except Jess. Her mother had told her not to look for the cemetery when she was little, and Jess had promised that she would not. However, Jess thinks about it and decides that she is older now and a childhood promise should not matter to her any longer. Jess reluctantly agrees to go with them if they every search for the cemetery. Scott is very discreet about his past and is careful about what he reveals. This frustrates Jess because she likes to know everything about everyone. She questions Scott relentlessly until he finally says he lives with his aunt in the apartment buildings. All of Jessica’s questions insult Scott, and he asks her to stop. Jess realizes that she is being nosy and apologizes. Nevertheless, she still cannot stop wondering about whom Scott really is and why he would have followed them. On the way home from the lake, Jess walks with Mark and tells him her idea for a volunteer program. She wants to set up a program through their social problems class. It will allow students to spend time helping children in the hospital. Mark thinks it is a great idea and encourages Jess to bring it up to their teacher. They are both excited about the plan, but Jess makes it a point that she cannot carry it through until she asks her mom. Jess’s grades in school have not been that great, and she already has an after-school job that takes up much of her time. In social problems class the next day, Mark suddenly brings up Jessica’s idea for the volunteer program. Their teacher loves the idea and suggests that the entire class get involved. When they are establishing the committee, Mark explains that it was all originally Jess’s idea. At this point, the teacher recommends that Jess heads the committee, since it was her idea. When they appoint Jess head of the committee, Mark becomes unjustifiably mad and sulks around for the rest of the day. After school, Jess avoids Mark because he brought up her idea when he knew she was not ready yet. Instead of going with her friends after school, Jess goes straight home to convince her mother to allow her to head the volunteer committee. Her mother is reluctant at first, but agrees to let her do it if she can keep her grades up and handle her job too. To do these things, she has to stop talking on the telephone and watching television. In Jess’s next journalism class she learns how to use everyday resources to find out personal information about people. She decides to use her new knowledge to find more out about Scott. She plans to start after she visits the children’s ward to get a head start on the volunteer program. When she gets to the hospital, Mark and Scott, who has also become involved in the program, have already begun setting the program up. This makes Jess mad because she is the head of the committee and it was all her idea. She does not understand why they are both getting so involved. Mark does not even seem to like kids and is only interested in volunteering so he can establish a good reputation. When Jessica leaves the hospital, she is eager to begin her research on Scott. First she goes to his apartment building. Jess talks to his next door neighbor who knows Scott, but has never seen his aunt. Next, she visits his aunt’s place of employment, but the people there have never heard of or seen her. At this point, Jess becomes very suspicious and remembers that when she looked in Scott’s apartment, the only things in there were a telephone and a bed. Jess realizes that Scott was lying about living with his aunt. She wonders what else he has lied about. That night, before Jess goes to bed, she sees a figure standing behind the tree in the Malik’s yard. She is tempted to go outside and see who it is, but she goes to bed instead. The next morning, the Donnally’s elderly neighbor’s cat is missing. Jess immediately thinks of the figure by the tree and goes over to check it out. All she finds is a full can of tuna inside the Malik’s garbage bag. Jess thinks that the figure may have used it to attract the cat. Jessica and her mom help their neighbor search for the cat all day with no luck. At school, Jess asks her computer-genius friend, Eric, to look up the name Scott Alexandar on the internet and see if he has a criminal record. Eric, who Jess used to have a crush on, changed drastically after he discovered computers. Although Eric is extremely smart and well liked, he spends every spare moment on a computer. The next night, Jess lets her cat, Pepper, go outside while she is doing her homework. After a while, Jess realizes that Pepper has not come back inside yet, and she begins calling for him. When Pepper does not come, Jess grabs a flashlight and searches for him outside. Without any luck, Jess goes back inside. She figures Pepper will turn up the next day. When she finds an open can of tuna in her trash can, she knows that Pepper is gone forever. Eric brings the results of his internet search to Jess the next day. Eric discovered that Scott Alexandar was a little boy who had died when he was only a few months old. The Scott Alexandar that Jess knows had taken the boy’s name and established a new identity with it.
Anthem
Anthem The book Anthem by Ayn Rand had many different important themes. I am going to mainly focus on a specific one in that that everyone must have an ego for a greater society to continue. Egoism played an extremely big part in the novel and wasn’t revealed until the end of the book. Ego in my terms means lacking in ones own interests meaning that you don’t do what you like to do and don’t have your own feelings. During the book everyone who was living in the society was lacking an ego. When people lack egos they don’t have their own personalities and they act as robots. None of the people actually had their own names. The actions of all the students in the society wasn’t in the will of their own, that the beneficiaries of their actions was others and not theirs which it should have been. Equality 7-2521 was a perfect example of someone who was egoistic. He lived for himself and not others. None of the other students or teachers controlled him, his thoughts, or his feelings. He was a happy student who never sacrificed himself to anyone. His actions were exactly what the leaders wanted to rid the students of. The leaders did not want t he kids to have any ambition or passion for something. They didn’t want the children to love any women or talk to any of them. All in all they didn’t want the students to be happy or have goals in life. Early in the book he shows how they wanted to control society and everyone in it when he says The laws say that men may not write unless the Council of Vocations bid them so.(Rand 11) During the story no one was able to make up their own minds or do what they wanted to do in life. Everything was controlled by the leaders in the different Councils. The society was not a true society where people have the free will to do what they want in life and strive for a certain job. All of the kids are living dead, always obeying orders, doing as they are told, and not thinking for themselves. Finally, in the end Equality decides that he can not live like this anymore and that he must think for himself so he runs away into the Unchanted forest where no one will come after him. Equality realizes that it is much better eating away from society when he says And we thought suddenly that there was great satisfaction to be found in the food which we need and obtain by our own hand.(Rand 89). In the end Equality realizes what has been lacking in society when he says The sacred word: EGO.(Rand 123) In order to greater society and to part from these times everyone must have an ego of their own.
Violence In School
Violence and Discipline Problems in U.S. Public Schools: 1996-97 Executive Summary No matter where you are, parents want their students to be safe and secure… that might even precede a quality education… With drugs, gangs, and guns on the rise in many communities the threat of violence weighs heavily on most principals' minds these days…Anyone who thinks they are not vulnerable is really naïve. (Principal Michael Durso, Springbrook High School, as quoted in the Washingtonian Magazine, September 1997). Background Recent events have again focused the nation's attention on violence in U.S. public schools, an issue that has generated public concern and directed research for more than two decades.1 Despite long-standing attention to the problem, there is a growing perception that not all public schools are safe places of learning, and media reports highlight specific school-based violent acts. The seventh goal of the National Education Goals states that by the year 2000, all schools in America will be free of drugs and violence and the unauthorized presence of firearms and alcohol, and offer a disciplined environment that is conducive to learning. In response to this goal, the Congress passed the Safe and Drug-Free Schools and Communities Act of 1994, which provides for support of drug and violence prevention programs. As part of this legislation, the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) is required to collect data to determine the frequency, seriousness, and incidence of violence in elementary and secondary schools. NCES responded to this requirement by commissioning a survey, the Principal/School Disciplinarian Survey on School Violence, 1996-97, the results of which are detailed in this report. The school violence survey was conducted with a nationally representative sample of 1,234 regular public elementary, middle, and secondary schools in the 50 states and the District of Columbia in the spring and summer of 1997. The survey requested information on four main topics: · The incidence of crime and violence that occurred in public schools during the 1996-97 academic year; · Principals' (or school disciplinarians') perceptions about the seriousness of a variety of discipline issues in their schools; · The types of disciplinary actions schools took against students for serious offenses; and · The kinds of security measures and violence prevention programs that were in place in public schools. The types of criminal incidents that schools were asked to report included murder, suicide, rape or other type of sexual battery, assault or fight with a weapon, robbery, assault or fight without a weapon, theft/ larceny, and vandalism. Any effort to quantify the frequency and seriousness of these crimes and violent incidents occurring in public schools will be affected by the way in which the information is collected and reported. Three important aspects of the process that were used to gather the data reported in this publication were: · · The survey questions asked, including how the questions were phrased, definitions applied, time span covered, and the context in which they were asked; · The choice of survey respondent; and · The survey sample size. The reader should keep these aspects of the survey in mind when comparing results of this particular sample survey with other studies on school crime and violence. The data reported from this study may vary from data reported elsewhere because of differences in definitions, coverage, respondents, and sample. For example, the data reported in this survey describe the number of incidents of crime, not the number of individuals involved in such incidents. It should be noted that an incident could involve more than one individual perpetrator or individual victim. Similarly, an individual perpetrator or victim could be involved in multiple incidents. Key Findings How Serious A Problem Was Crime And Violence In U.S. Public Schools In The 1996-1997 School Year? More than half of U.S. public schools reported experiencing at least one crime incident in school year 1996-97, and 1 in 10 schools reported at least one serious violent crime during that school year (table 7). · · Fifty-seven percent of public elementary and secondary school principals reported that one or more incidents of crime/violence that were reported to the police or other law enforcement officials had occurred in their school during the 1996-97 school year. · Ten percent of all public schools experienced one or more serious violent crimes (defined as murder, rape or other type of sexual battery, suicide, physical attack or fight with a weapon, or robbery) that were reported to police or other law enforcement officials during the 1996-97 school year. · Physical attacks or fights without a weapon led the list of reported crimes in public schools with about 190,000 such incidents reported for 1996-97 (figure 1). About 116,000 incidents of theft or larceny were reported along with 98,000 incidents of vandalism. These less serious or nonviolent crimes were more common than serious violent crimes, with schools reporting about 4,000 incidents of rape or other type of sexual battery, 7,000 robberies, and 11,000 incidents of physical attacks or fights in which weapons were used. · While 43 percent of public schools reported no incidents of crime in 1996-97, 37 percent reported from one to five crimes and about 20 percent reported six crimes or more (figure 3). What Types Of Schools Were Likely To Have More Serious Problems With Crime And Violence? Crime and violence were more of a problem in middle and high schools than in elementary schools. Middle schools and high schools were more likely to report that they had experienced one or more incidents of any crime and one or more incidents of serious violent crime than elementary schools (table 7). · · Forty-five percent of elementary schools reported one or more violent incidents compared with 74 percent of middle and 77 percent of high schools. · Four percent of elementary schools reported one or more serious violent crimes compared with 19 percent of middle and 21 percent of high schools. · Of the less serious or nonviolent crimes, the largest ratios of crimes per 100,000 students were found in middle and high schools compared with elementary schools. This was true for physical attacks or fights without a weapon, theft/larceny, and vandalism (table 10). · In general, elementary schools reported proportionately fewer incidents of serious violent crime. They reported lower rates of physical attacks or fights with a weapon and rape or other type of sexual battery when compared with middle schools and high schools. However, while elementary schools reported lower ratios of robbery compared with high schools, they were not significantly different from middle schools. Schools that reported serious discipline problems were more likely to have experienced one or more incidents of crime or violence, and were more likely to experience serious violent crime than those with less serious discipline problems (table 7). · · Sixteen percent of public school principals considered at least one serious discipline problem (out of 17 discipline issues that they were asked about) to be a serious problem in their schools in 1996-97 (table 12). The remaining schools were about equally divided between those that had minor or no discipline problems on all 17 issues (43 percent) and those that reported a moderate (but no serious) problem on at least 1 of the issues (41 percent). · Principals in public high schools and middle schools were more likely than public elementary school principals to rate at least one discipline issue as a serious problem in their schools. Thirty-seven percent of high school principals reported at least one serious discipline problem in their schools compared with 18 percent of middle school principals and 8 percent of elementary school principals (table 12). · In both 1990-91 and 1996-97, the three discipline issues most frequently rated as serious or moderate problems by principals were student tardiness, student absenteeism or class cutting, and physical conflicts among students (table 13). What Measures Are Schools Taking To Deal With Problems Of Crime And Violences? Most public schools reported having zero tolerance policies towards serious student offenses (table 19). · Principals were asked about whether the school had zero-tolerance policies, defined as school or district policy mandating predetermined consequences for various student offenses. The proportion of schools that had such policies ranged from 79 to 94 percent on violence, tobacco, alcohol, drugs, weapons other than firearms, and firearms (figure 8 and table 19). Most schools reported that they employed low levels of security measures to prevent violence (figure 11). · · To discover what types of security were employed, schools were asked whether visitors must sign in, if there was a closed campus policy for most students during lunch, if access to the school building was controlled, if access to school grounds was controlled, if there had been one or more drug sweeps, whether the school used random metal detector checks on students, or whether students must pass through metal detectors daily (table 22). Schools were also asked about the presence of police or other law enforcement at the school (table 23). · Two percent of public schools had stringent security, which was defined as a full-time guard and daily or random metal detector checks (figure 11). Eleven percent of schools had instituted moderate security measures such as a full-time guard, or a part-time guard with restricted access to the school, or metal detectors with no guards, while 84 percent of public schools reported having a low level of security-restricted access to their schools but no guards or metal detectors. Another 3 percent reported that none of the security measures asked about in the survey were used. Most schools reported having formal school violence prevention programs (table 25). · · Seventy-eight percent of schools reported having some type of formal violence-prevention or violence reduction program or effort. · Fifty percent of public schools with violence-prevention programs indicated that all or almost all of their students participated in these programs (figure 12 and table 30). Footnote: [1] U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Violent Schools - Safe Schools: The Safe School Study Report to the Congress, December 1977. Last updated March 18, 1998 Questions, problems or comments with this Web site? Contact NCESwebmaster@ed.gov. Introduction The disruption caused by violence in our nation's public elementary and secondary schools is a national concern. Crime in and around schools threatens the well-being of students, school staff, and communities. It also impedes learning and student achievement. The seventh goal of the National Education Goals states that by the year 2000, all schools in America will be free of drugs and violence and the unauthorized presence of firearms and alcohol, and offer a disciplined environment that is conducive to learning. To accomplish this goal, the Safe and Drug-Free Schools and Communities Act of 1994 provides for support of drug and violence prevention programs. The Act includes an impact evaluation component, which contains a provision requiring the National Center for Education Statistics (NCES) to collect data to determine the frequency, seriousness, and incidence of violence in elementary and secondary schools. Responding to this legislation, NCES commissioned a survey (the Principal/School Disciplinarian Survey on School Violence) to obtain current data on school violence and other discipline issues in our nation's public elementary and secondary schools. The survey requested information about 1) the actual number of specific crimes that had occurred at school during the 1996-97 academic year; 2) principals' perceptions about the seriousness of a variety of discipline issues at their schools; 3) the types of disciplinary actions schools took against students for some serious violations; and 4) the kinds of security measures and violence prevention programs that were in place in public schools. Principals were asked to provide information about incidents of crime and violence that were serious enough for the police or other law enforcement representatives to have been contacted. They were also asked to report only on incidents occurring in school buildings, on school grounds, on school buses, and at school-sponsored events or activities held in places other than school grounds or school property. The data collected indicate both the incidence and frequency of many types of serious crimes that took place in public schools and the types of security and other violence-prevention measures in place in schools. This report presents the findings from the survey, which was conducted for NCES by Westat, a research firm in Rockville, Maryland. The survey was conducted through the NCES Fast Response Survey System (FRSS) during the spring and summer of 1997. FRSS is a survey system designed to collect small amounts of issue-oriented data with minimal burden on respondents and within a relatively short time frame. Questionnaires were mailed to school principals, who were asked to complete the survey form or to have it completed by the person most knowledgeable about discipline issues at the school. The survey was conducted with a nationally representative sample of regular public elementary, middle, and high schools in the 50 states and the District of Columbia. Special education, alternative, and vocational schools, and schools that taught only prekindergarten, kindergarten, or adult education were not represented in the sample. Survey findings are presented separately for all regular public schools, and by the following school characteristics (defined in the glossary of terms on pages 32 through 35): · Instructional level: elementary, middle, high school. · Size of enrollment: less than 300 students (small schools), 300 to 999 students (medium-sized schools), 1,000 or more students (large schools). · Locale of school: city, urban fringe, town, rural. · Geographic region: Northeast, Southeast, Central, West. · Percent minority enrollment: less than 5 percent, 5 to 19 percent, 20 to 49 percent, 50 percent or more. · Percent of students eligible for the federally funded free or reduced-price lunch program used as a measure of poverty concentration: less than 20 percent, 20 to 34 percent, 35 to 49 percent, 50 to 74 percent, 75 percent or more. Some survey findings are also presented by school characteristics reported in the survey: · Principals' reports on discipline problems in their schools: no problems/ minor problems reported by principal, moderate problems, and serious problems. · Types of crime reported: no crime, any crime (including less serious or nonviolent crime only and/or some serious crimes reported), lesser crimes only, some serious crimes reported. · Zero tolerance policy for violence: schools reporting that they do have a zero tolerance policy for violence, schools reporting that they do not have a zero tolerance policy for violence. · Police/law enforcement presence: 30 hours or more per week; 10-29 hours per week; 1-9 hours per week; stationed as needed; none stationed at the school. It is important to note that many of the school characteristics used for independent analyses may also be related to each other. The size of enrollment and instructional level of schools, for example, are known to be related with middle schools and high schools typically being larger than elementary schools. Similarly, locale may be related to poverty level and other relationships between analysis variables may exist. The sample size was not large enough to control for these types of relationships. Their existence, however, should be considered in the interpretation of the data presented in this report. Among the data collected on school discipline and violence issues in public schools were incidents of specific crimes and on a variety of specific discipline issues. The types of crimes and discipline issues on which this survey focused do not represent an exhaustive list of possible school crime or discipline infractions. Also, the number of incidents of crime reported by schools is not the same as the number of individuals involved in such incidents and the reader should keep in mind the specifics of this study when comparing the findings reported here with other studies on school crime and violence. The data reported in this study may vary from data reported elsewhere because of differences in definitions, coverage, respondents, and sample. Among the issues to consider in interpreting the data presented in this report are: The Choice of Survey Respondent. This survey relied on the responses of public school principals (or school disciplinarians) to report on all data items requested. This includes the reports on the incidence of specific crimes in their schools. There are other surveys in existence, most notably the annual National Crime Victimization Survey of the Bureau of Justice Statistics, Department of Justice, that request information from actual crime victims.2 It is likely that the incident reports provided by a third party, in this case school principals, may be an undercount of the incidents of crime and violence that might have occurred during the school year examined. This is particularly likely for lesser incidents, such as theft, that may not have been reported to the principal as they occurred. Thus, comparisons with reports by victims of crimes that occurred in public schools will not necessarily match those reports provided by school principals in this study. The Survey Questions Asked. For reporting on specific incidents of crime, principals were asked to provide information only on those serious enough for the police or other law enforcement representatives to have been contacted. Additionally, the incidents reported were restricted to those that occurred in school buildings, on school grounds, on school buses, and at school-sponsored events or activities held in places other than school grounds or school property. These restrictions were necessary to improve recall and to ensure that the incidents that were reported were both of a serious nature and comparable across schools. These restrictions could result in a lower number of reported incidents when compared with the number reported by other studies that do not similarly restrict the questions asked. The Survey Sample Size. The sample size for this survey, 1,234 public schools, was too small to ensure reliable estimates for very rare events. In the case of school-based violence, both murders and suicides are relatively rare events. In fact, no murders were reported by principals in this survey. Although a small number of suicides were reported and later verified, the number was too small to allow the calculation of reliable estimates and is therefore not reported in the results of this survey, except where combined with other types of violent events to present general statistics. This does not mean that no murders or suicides occurred in public schools during the 1996-97 school year. Other studies have detailed both incidents of murder and suicide in public schools and discussed the methodology employed to make such estimates.3 Finally, the reader should be cautioned that any sample survey is subject to data collection errors and response bias. Further information on the technical specifications, response rates, calculation of standard errors and testing of comparisons presented in this text are provided in the section on survey methodology and sample selection at the end of the report. Data have been weighted to national estimates of regular public schools and table A on page 28 provides the weighted and unweighted distribution of the sample by the analysis variables. All comparative statements made in this report have been tested for statistical significance through chi-square tests or t-tests adjusted for multiple comparisons using the Bonferroni adjustment and are significant at the 0.05 level or better. However, not all statistically significant comparisons have been presented. Data are presented in figures appearing in the text and in reference tables that appear in the Table of Estimates and Standard Errors on pages 37 to 122. The survey questionnaire is reproduced in appendix A. Incidents of Crime and Violence in Public Schools Public school principals were presented with a list of crimes and asked to report the number of incidents of each type of crime that had occurred at their schools during the 1996-97 school year. The crimes about which schools were asked were murder, suicide, rape or other type of sexual battery, physical attack or fight with a weapon, robbery, physical attack or fight without a weapon, theft or larceny, and vandalism. Respondents were provided with definitions for each of these types of crime (those definitions appear in the glossary of this report on pages 32 through 35). Under the assumption that crimes or offenses reported to police would be more accurately recalled, schools were asked to report only those incidents for which the police or other law enforcement representatives had been contacted. It was also assumed that requiring a benchmark of law enforcement contact would minimize subjective judgment about which incidents to include. Only crimes occurring at the school, including those that took place in school buildings, on school grounds, on school buses, and at school-sponsored events or activities, but not officially on school grounds, were to be reported. While student victimization and teacher-reported data on crimes occurring at school have been collected and reported elsewhere, school principals were asked to report unduplicated incidents at the school level.4 During 1996-97, about 4,000 incidents of rape or other types of sexual battery were reported in our nation's public schools (figure 1 and table 1). There were about 11,000 incidents of physical attacks or fights in which weapons were used and 7,000 robberies in schools that year. About 190,000 fights or physical attacks not involving weapons also occurred at schools in 1996-97, along with about 115,000 thefts and 98,000 incidents of vandalism (tables 2-6). Because the sample size was not large enough to produce reliable estimates for very rare events, the survey was not able to estimate either the percentage of schools experiencing one or more incidents of murder or suicide or the total number of these crimes that occurred at public schools during 1996-97. For example, in the sample of 1,234 public schools, murder was not reported by any of the schools and, similarly, only 4 schools in the sample reported any incidents of suicide. The rarity of the occurrence of these crimes at school, given the sample size of the study, precluded the generation of reliable national estimates. In a descriptive case study of violent deaths in schools, Kachur, et al., estimated that there were 105 school-associated violent deaths including 85 murders occurring at schools during a 2-year period from 1992 to 1994.5 Footnotes: [4] See W. Mansfield, D. Alexander, and E. Farris, Teacher Survey on Safe, Disciplined, and Drug-Free Schools, Fast Response Survey System, FRSS 42, U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, 1991 (NCES 91-091) for teacher-reported data. For student-reported crime data see L. Bastian and B. Taylor, School Crime, U.S. Department of Justice, Bureau of Justice Statistics, 1991 (NCJ-131645), and M.J. Nolan, E. Daily, and K. Chandler, Student Victimization at School, U.S. Department of Education, National Center for Education Statistics, 1995 (NCES 95-204). [5] S.P. Kachur, et al., School Associated Violent Deaths in the United States, 1992 to 1994, Journal of the American Medical Association, June 12, 1996, 275(22): 1729-1733. Last updated March 18, 1998 Questions, problems or comments with this Web site? Contact NCESwebmaster@ed.gov. Percent of Public Schools Reporting Crime and Violence Schools were asked to report the number of incidents of various crimes. To understand the extent to which crimes affect our nation's public schools and public school students, the incidence of crime in terms of the proportion of schools experiencing crimes are examined below. Nationally, 43 percent of schools reported that none of the listed crimes had occurred there during the 1996-97 school year (figure 2 and table 7). Fifty-seven percent, however, reported that at least one of these crimes had occurred and had been reported to the police. One in 10 public schools reported at least one serious violent crime such as rape or sexual battery, suicide, physical attacks or fights with weapon, or robbery had occurred at the school. Almost half (47 percent) indicated that they had experienced no incidents of serious violent crime, but one or more less serious crimes such as a physical attack or fight without the use of a weapon, theft, or vandalism had occurred. Vandalism was reported by 38 percent of public schools, theft/larceny by 31 percent of schools, and physical attacks or fights without a weapon by 28 percent (table 8). These crimes were the most frequently occurring in terms of the percentages of schools affected. Smaller percentages of schools reported more serious crimes: 3 percent of public schools reported the occurrence of a rape or other type of sexual battery at the school; 3 percent, a robbery; and 6 percent, a physical attack or fight in which a weapon had been used. With the exception of vandalism, roughly the same percentage of schools reporting various types of crime also reported incidents involving students as either victims or perpetrators and that crime occurred during school hours or at school-sponsored events. A smaller percentage of elementary schools than middle schools or high schools reported that any crime at all occurred during the 1996-97 school year (table 7). About half of all elementary schools (45 percent) reported at least one crime. In contrast, 74 percent of middle schools and 77 percent of high schools did so. Higher percentages of middle and high schools also reported at least one serious violent crime (i.e., robbery, rape or sexual battery, or assault or fight with a weapon), with about 20 percent indicating a serious violent crime had occurred at the school compared with 4 percent for elementary schools. School crime was also more likely in larger schools. While 38 percent of small schools reported any incidents, 60 percent of medium-sized schools, and 89 percent of large schools reported criminal incidents. Serious violent crime was more likely to be reported by the largest schools. One-third of schools with enrollments of 1,000 or more reported at least one serious violent crime, compared with 4 to 9 percent in schools with fewer than 1,000 students. Schools in cities were at least twice as likely to report serious violent crime as those in towns and in rural locations, although city schools were not significantly different from urban fringe schools. Seventeen percent of city schools reported at least one serious violent crime, while 8 percent of rural schools and 5 percent of schools located in towns reported any serious violent crime. Eleven percent of schools in urban fringe areas reported a serious violent crime, which was not significantly different from cities. Schools with the highest proportion of minority students were more likely to report crimes than schools with the smallest proportion of minority enrollment. Sixty-eight percent of schools with minority enrollments of 50 percent or more reported some crime compared with 47 percent of those with less than 5 percent minority enrollment. Further, schools with 50 percent or more minority enrollment were more likely to report serious violent crime than with less than 5 percent minority enrollment (15 percent compared with 6 percent). Schools indicating that they have a policy to report crimes to the public were less likely to report having experienced any crime than those without this policy, but both types of schools were about as likely to report at least one serious crime. Greater police or law enforcement presence, however, was associated with the incidence of serious crime. Schools with police or other law enforcement stationed at the school for 30 or more hours per week were more likely to report having experienced a serious violent crime (38 percent) compared with schools in which police were not stationed or stationed only as needed (6 to 14 percent, respectively). Schools in which principals perceived that general discipline issues were not a serious problem were more likely to report that they had no crime incidents. Sixty percent of public schools in which principals reported no discipline problems or only minor discipline problems reported no crime for the 1996-97 school year. Thirty-eight percent of those in which school principals reported some moderate discipline problems reported having no crime, and 14 percent of schools with at least one discipline problem considered serious by their principal had no reported crime. Among schools with at least one discipline problem considered serious, 28 percent reported serious crime compared with 3 percent of schools with no discipline problems or minor problems, and 10 percent of those with moderate problems. Frequency of Crime and Violence Most public schools experienced a relatively small number of crimes in 1996-97. While 43 percent reported none of the crimes for which the survey collected data, 37 percent reported 1 to 5 incidents of crime at the school (figure 3). Seven percent of public schools reported having between 6 and 10 separate incidents during the 1996-97 school year, and 12 percent reported more than 10 incidents for that period. The number of incidents is a factor of the size of schools. Therefore, another measure, the ratio of incidents of crimes, was used to determine the frequency of crime in schools.6 Overall, about 1,000 crimes per 100,000 students were reported in our nation's public schools (table 9). This included about 950 crimes per 100,000 that were not serious or violent crimes (theft, vandalism, fights or assaults without a weapon) and about 50 serious violent crimes per 100,000 students (rape or sexual battery, robbery, fight with a weapon, suicide). The overall rate of crime differed by school characteristics. Elementary schools reported about 350 crimes per 100,000 students, compared with about 1,625 in middle schools and about 1,800 in high schools. The ratio of serious violent crime was lowest in elementary schools, with 13 violent crimes reported per 100,000 students compared with 93 per 100,000 students in middle schools and 103 per 100,000 students in high schools. While a lower percentage of small schools reported any serious violent crime compared with medium and large schools, the ratio of serious violent crimes per 100,000 students was lower in medium-sized schools than in large schools. Medium-sized schools reported 38 serious violent crimes per 100,000 students, compared with the 90 serious violent crimes per 100,000 students reported by large schools. Small schools reported 61 serious violent crimes per 100,000 students. City schools reported 95 incidents of serious violence per 100,000 students, compared with 28 serious violent incidents per 100,000 students in towns. City schools, however, were not significantly different from rural or urban fringe schools in this regard. The ratio of serious violent crime was associated with percent minority enrollment. While the ratio of serious violent crime per 100,000 students was 19 in schools with less than 5 percent minority enrollment, it was 51 per 100,000 students in those schools with 20 to 49 percent minority students, and 96 per 100,000 in schools with 50 percent or more minority enrollment. Footnote: [6] It should be noted that the ratio of incidents of crimes was calculated from the number of incidents reported by public schools per 100,000 public school students and does not represent student-reported victimization rates. Frequency of Specific Crimes For every 100,000 public school students, 26 attacks or fights with a weapon, 17 robberies, and 10 rapes occurred at school (table 10). These represented the serious violent crimes for which the survey collected data. More frequently reported were the less serious or nonviolent crimes including 444 attacks or fights without a weapon, 274 incidents of theft or larceny, and 234 incidents of vandalism per 100,000 students in public schools. Elementary schools, which reported proportionately fewer incidents of serious violent crime in general, reported lower rates of both physical attacks or fights in which weapons were used and rape or other type of sexual battery than middle and high schools. Differences between elementary schools and high schools were also found in the rate at which robbery was reported, although no difference was found between elementary and middle schools for this crime. Physical attacks or fights in which weapons were used were almost 7 times more frequent in middle and high schools than in elementary schools. While there were 7 physical attacks or fights with a weapon per 100,000 students in elementary schools, the rate was 49 per 100,00 middle school students and 46 per 100,000 high school students. Rapes or other types of sexual battery were reported in middle and high schools at about the same rate, with 17 per 100,000 students in middle schools and 18 per 100,000 in high schools, as compared to the 3 rapes or other type of sexual battery per 100,000 students reported in elementary schools. Of the less serious or nonviolent crimes (vandalism, physical attacks or fights without a weapon, and theft or larceny), the ratio at which all three crimes occurred was more frequent in middle and high schools than in elementary schools. Physical attacks or fights without a weapon were the number one crime in both middle schools and high schools, followed by theft and vandalism. Principals' Perceptions of Discipline Issues in Their Schools Principals were asked to report the extent to which specific discipline issues were a problem in their schools during the 1996-97 school year so that the relationship between discipline and crime could be examined. Additionally, data were available on this topic from a 1991 survey which could be used for comparisons. Overall, principals generally perceived these discipline issues in their schools as no more than minor problems (43 percent) or moderate problems (41 percent; figure 4). Sixteen percent of public school principals, however, perceived at least one discipline issue as a serious problem. During the 1996-97 school year, student tardiness (40 percent), student absenteeism or class cutting (25 percent), and physical conflicts among students (21 percent) were the three discipline issues most often cited by public school principals as serious or moderate problems in their schools (derived from table 11). Public school principals were much less likely (0 to 2 percent) to indicate that teacher alcohol or drug use, physical abuse of teachers, the sale of drugs on school grounds, and student possession of weapons were serious or moderate problems at their school than the three most prevalent problems. Types of Schools With Discipline Problems Principals were more likely to perceive at least one discipline issue as a serious problem in high schools and schools with enrollments of more than 1,000 students (table 12). Comparatively, the lowest percent of schools with principals reporting serious discipline problems were elementary schools (8 percent), followed by middle schools (18 percent). Twice as many principals in high schools reported some serious discipline problems (37 percent). Thirty-eight percent of principals in large schools reported some serious discipline problems compared with 15 percent of principals in medium-sized schools and 10 percent of principals in small schools. The discipline issues most frequently reported as moderate or serious problems by principals differed by instructional level, school size, location of school, minority enrollment, and the percentage of students eligible for the federally funded free or reduced-price lunch program (tables 13 through 17). For elementary and high schools, student tardiness and student absenteeism or class cutting were among the three most often cited serious or moderate discipline problems (32 and 67 percent, respectively, for student tardiness, and 17 and 52 percent, respectively, for student absenteeism/class cutting; figure 5 and table 13). Principals of elementary and middle schools also reported physical conflicts among students as one of their top three serious or moderate discipline problems (18 percent and 35 percent, respectively), whereas in high schools, student tobacco, drug, and alcohol use were more often reported as serious or moderate problems than physical conflicts among students (48, 36, and 27 percent compared with 17 percent, respectively). Principals in large schools were more likely to report student tardiness was a serious or moderate problem than those in medium-sized and small schools (64 percent compared with 42 percent and 29 percent, respectively; table 14). Student absenteeism/class cutting was also more of an issue in large schools, with 53 percent of these schools compared with 24 percent of medium schools and 19 percent of small schools considering it a serious or moderate problem. Tobacco use was also more frequently regarded as a serious or moderate problem in large schools (40 percent of large schools, compared with 11 percent of medium and 13 percent of small schools). Physical conflicts among students were more frequently reported to be serious or moderate discipline problems in city schools than in rural schools (25 percent versus 14 percent; table 15). Student tardiness was more frequently reported as a serious or moderate problem by principals in schools with a minority enrollment of more than 50 percent (56 percent) compared with 25 to 42 percent in schools with less than 20 percent minority enrollment (table 16). This pattern was also found in schools with the highest percentage of students eligible for the federally funded free or reduced-price lunch program compared to the lowest (table 17). Twenty-nine percent of schools with 75 percent or more students eligible for the school lunch program reported physical conflicts as a serious or moderate problem, compared with 13 percent in schools that have fewer than 20 percent of students eligible for the free or reduced-price lunch. Relationship Between Safety and Principals' Perceptions of Discipline Issues Principals' perceptions of discipline issues were related to reported crime in their schools. Among principals in schools with no reported crime, 59 percent reported that discipline issues were either not a problem or that there were only minor problems compared with 31 percent in schools with at least one crime (figure 6). Conversely, 24 percent of principals in schools with any crime at their schools perceived at least one discipline issue as a serious problem while 5 percent of principals in schools with no crime perceived that their schools had one or more serious discipline problems. Comparisons of Principals' Perceptions in 1991 and 1997 Identical information on principals' perceptions of discipline problems, with the exception of an item about gangs, was collected in another FRSS survey conducted in 1991. A few comparisons of the principal-reported data over time are noteworthy, and tables 13 through 17 provide data for both years. Although student tardiness, student absenteeism/class cutting, and physical conflicts were the three most often mentioned serious or moderate discipline problems in 1991 and 1997, principals in high schools were more likely to report tardiness, absenteeism/class cutting, and student drug use as serious or moderate problems in 1997 (67, 52, and 36 percent, respectively) than in 1991 (50, 39, and 20 percent, respectively; table 13). Among those schools with 75 percent or more students eligible for the federally funded free or reduced-price lunch program, teacher absenteeism was less likely to be rated as a serious or moderate problems in 1997 by principals (table 17). In 1991 teacher absenteeism was reported to be a serious or moderate problem by 33 percent of principals compared to 15 percent of principals in 1997. School Actions and Reactions to Discipline Issues The survey asked respondents to indicate how many of three specific actions were taken against students for each of the following offenses: · The possession or use of a firearm; · The possession or use of a weapon other than a firearm; · The possession, distribution, or use of alcohol or drugs, including tobacco; and · Physical attacks or fights. The three disciplinary actions about which schools were asked to report were expulsions, transfers to alternative schools or programs, and out-of-school suspensions lasting 5 or more days. It is important to note that schools may have chosen to invoke any, more than one, or none of these disciplinary actions during the 1996-97 school year for the above offenses. They may also have taken other disciplinary actions. Thus, these three disciplinary options are not an exhaustive list, simply those that were focused upon in this survey. It is important to note that schools may not have experienced any of the crimes or infractions and therefore took no actions. Possession or use of a firearm. For the possession or use of a firearm, 5 percent of all schools reported taking one or more of these three actions against students for a total of 16,587 actions (table 18). Half of the actions reported were out-of-school suspensions lasting 5 or more days (49 percent; figure 7). Twenty percent of school-reported actions were transferring students to alternative schools or programs, and 31 percent were expulsions of students for the possession or use of a firearm (figure 7 and table 18). Possession or use of a weapon other than a firearm. Weapons other than a firearm were defined as any instrument or object used with the intent to threaten, injure, or kill, including knives, razor blades or other sharp-edged objects, ice picks or other pointed objects, baseball bats, sticks, rocks, or bottles. Twenty-two percent of public schools reported having taken one or more of the specific actions against students for possession or use of a weapon other than a firearm (table 18). About 58,000 actions were reported: 23 percent of these actions were expulsions, 22 percent were transfers to alternative programs or schools, and 55 percent were out-of school-suspensions lasting 5 or more days (figure 7 and table 18). Possession, distribution, or use of alcohol or drugs, including tobacco. For the possession, distribution, or use of alcohol, drugs, and tobacco, 27 percent of schools reported taking a total of about 170,000 actions: 62 percent of the actions were out-of-school suspensions lasting 5 or more days, 20 percent were transfers to alternative schools or programs, and 18 percent were expulsions (figure 7 and table 18). Physical Attacks or Fights. About 40 percent of all public schools reported having taken at least one of the actions against students for fighting for an estimated total of 331,000 actions (figure 7 and table 18). The most commonly reported action was out-of-school suspensions lasting 5 or more days (66 percent), followed by transfers to an alternative school or program and expulsions (19 and 15 percent, respectively). Zero Tolerance Policies Three-quarters or more of all schools reported having zero tolerance policies for various student offenses (figure 8 and table 19). Zero tolerance policy was defined as a school or district policy that mandates predetermined consequence/s or punishments for specific offenses. About 90 percent of schools reported zero tolerance policies for firearms (94 percent) and weapons other than firearms (91 percent). Eighty-seven and 88 percent had policies of zero tolerance for alcohol and drugs, respectively. Seventy-nine percent had a zero tolerance policy for violence and 79 percent had a zero tolerance policy for tobacco. Schools with no crime reported were less likely to have a zero tolerance policy for violence (74 percent) than schools that had reported one or more serious crimes (85 percent). Policies to Report Crimes to the Public Thirty-nine percent of public schools had a policy to report serious crimes to the public (table 20). Schools with no reported crime (46 percent) were more likely than schools with reported crime (34 percent) to have such a policy. Requiring School Uniforms Three percent of all public schools require students to wear uniforms (table 21). About one-fourth (26 percent) of these schools initiated the requirement prior to the 1994-95 school year, 40 percent initiated it between the 1994-95 and 1995-96 school years, and 34 percent initiated it in 1996-97 (figure 9). Uniforms were more likely to be required in schools with a high percentage of students eligible for free or reduced-price lunch (11 percent in schools with 75 percent or more free or reduced-price lunch eligibility) compared with schools in which less than 50 percent of students were eligible (2 percent or less; table 21). Schools with 50 percent or more minority enrollment were also more likely to require student uniforms than those with lower minority enrollment (13 percent compared with 2 percent or less).
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)